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RES_Blog_covid_medidas_contencion_y_confianza

COVID-19: Containment Measures and Trust

January 22, 2021 by Agustina Schijman - Carolina Correa Caro - Diego Vera-Cossio Leave a Comment


The development of effective vaccines against COVID-19 marks a historic breakthrough. But even if advanced economies succeed in getting most of their population vaccinated in 2021, achieving herd immunity as quickly in developing countries through vaccination will be difficult. This means that as the virus continues to spread around the globe, managing mobility restrictions smartly to control transmission in the near-to-medium term will be crucial.

Latin America and the Caribbean will have to adopt lessons from the wide range of approaches that countries put in place to curb COVID-19 contagion in 2020.  But what have we learned? The answer is not straightforward, and there is still uncertainty about what has worked, and what has not. Most epidemiologists agree that facial masks and widespread social distancing are key to preventing contagion, but there is less consensus on the relative success of non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPI), such as curfews and lockdowns, to keep people from gathering closely and dangerously together.  Indeed, the effectiveness of lockdowns and other mobility-restriction measures, as well as their associated economic and social costs, have not been uniform across countries.

Here we offer some considerations on compliance with containment measures and present five empirical findings   of special relevance to the policy debate in Latin America and the Caribbean. The challenge is tremendous. This is a region that, despite its stringent NPIs, led the globe in COVID-19 cases: With only 9% percent of the world’s population, it accounts for 21% of confirmed cases, and 32% of deaths from COVID-19, as of mid-November 2020.

1. Developing and Emerging Markets Put in Place Longer and (de jure) Stricter Lockdowns

Figure 1. Top 40 countries with longest lockdowns through October 31 (number of days with stringency index greater or equal to 80)

Figure 1 Figure 1. Top 40 Countries with Longest Lockdowns through October 31
Source: Own calculations based on Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker. From March 1 to October 31, 2020

Countries around the globe opted for different policies to contain the spread of COVID-19 infections, with great variation in the severity and duration of measures. Using data from the Coronavirus Government Response Tracker and the Stringency Index from the University of Oxford, we ranked countries based on the number of days under nationwide lockdowns from March to October 2020. We found that emerging and developing countries, with few exceptions, had the longest strict lockdowns (Figure 1). Among them, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean stand out: 8 out of the 10 countries with the longest tight lockdowns between March and October are in Latin America.

Effective lockdowns, however, require the ability of governments to enforce them and/or the willingness of citizens to comply with them. How long, then, did compliance last? Not too long…

2. Compliance with Lockdown Policies Was Short-Lived

To analyze compliance with mobility-restriction policies (and thus the effective strictness of lockdowns) we looked at the changes in mobility before and after the adoption of lockdown measures. Using data from the Google Mobility Index  (GMI) for 125 countries, we found that in the early weeks of the pandemic (around March 15-30) countries that put in place strict lockdowns experienced a substantially larger decline in mobility than those that implemented less stringent policies (see solid lines in Figure 2). Yet within three weeks this mobility decline began to reverse and by the tenth week of lockdown there was little difference in the drop in mobility between countries with tighter lockdowns and those that had implemented laxer measures. In other words, as shown in previous IDB work, compliance with restrictions was short-lived.

Figure 2. Changes in Mobility

Figure 2. Changes in Mobility
Source. Own calculations based on Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, and Google Mobility Index. From March 1 to October 31, 2020.

It’s true that some countries that initially implemented strict measures then relaxed them. They started to reopen their economies and lift stay-at-home orders. This could be the explanation for the increase in mobility in European countries, where lockdowns lasted on average seven weeks. However, the increase in mobility was also observed in Latin America and the Caribbean, including those countries that kept full lockdowns in place beyond the 10-week threshold. Latin American countries with tight initial lockdowns were successful at reducing mobility—even relative to countries from other regions with similarly strict measures—but their effectiveness was quickly diluted.  During the first weeks of the lockdowns, the reduction to trips to workplaces (relative to the pre-pandemic baseline) was 20 percentage points higher in countries of the region with more stringent policies than those with less stringent ones. But that gap was halved by week 10. This pattern is unlikely to have been driven by a reduced fear of catching the virus, as confirmed COVID-19 cases continued to rise well after the first 10 weeks of lockdown.

3. Despite Long Lockdowns, the Spread of the Virus and the Death Toll Were High in Latin America and the Caribbean

In advanced economies, the unwinding of movement restrictions began in late April 2020 and coincided with the decline in confirmed cases and deaths (Figure 3). By contrast, in most Latin American countries the mobility restrictions remained in place much longer. But both the number of cases and deaths per 100,000 inhabitants reached peak levels and then declined slowly. In fact, several countries in the region experienced record numbers of infections and deaths per 100,000 people during June and July of 2020, including those with strict quarantines in place.

This does not imply that lockdowns were ineffective in the region: After all, mobility did decline in the first 10 weeks of lockdown, delaying the spread of the virus and slowing down hospitalizations. However, the sluggish drop in COVID-19 cases and deaths suggests that they were far from a silver bullet, probably due to low enforcement capabilities and increasing non-compliance after those first few weeks. In this regard, it has been shown that voluntary social distancing was limited in emerging and developing economies, likely because it is harder for many people to work from home.

Figure 3. Stringency Index and New Deaths per 100,000

Figure 3a. Stringency Index and New Deaths per 100,000
Figure 3b. Stringency Index and New Deaths per 100,000
Source: Own calculations based on Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, and Johns Hopkins University CSSE. From February 15 to October 31, 2020.

4. By Contrast with Latin America and the Caribbean, Advanced Economies Implemented an Adaptive Approach to the Health Crisis

Exceptions notwithstanding, most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean rapidly adopted stringent containment measures and kept them, at least on paper, roughly unchanged between March and September (Figure 4). By contrast, advanced countries reopened their economies sooner, following a long haul marked by trial and error. These shorter quarantines were followed by other (intermittent) movement restrictions and were complemented by other NPI measures, such as border restrictions and mandatory use of facial masks.

Figure 4. Evolution of the Stringency Index

Source: Own calculations based on Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, and Johns Hopkins University CSSE. From January 5 to November 15, 2020.

Moreover, in most advanced economies, this adaptive approach towards movement restrictions was accompanied by an effort to increase testing and contact tracing. The data shows that, in general, countries with relatively less stringent policies were more agile at expanding testing (Figure 5). However, levels of testing and contact tracing have been relatively low in Latin America and the Caribbean (marked in red) despite the strict mobility restrictions.

Figure 5. Stringency Index and Testing

Source: Authors’ calculations based on Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, and Our World in Data.
*Average from March 1 to October 31, 2020

4. Trust Matters for Compliance

Citizens’ willingness to comply with lockdowns could compensate for governments’ difficulties in enforcement. A recent analysis shows that in Europe the decline in mobility during the first months of the pandemic was substantially greater in regions with high levels of pre-pandemic trust in government. Using pre-pandemic data from Latinobarómetro 2018 on trust in governments and Google Mobility data for 18 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, we also find that mobility in high-trust countries decreased significantly more than in countries with relatively low-trust levels (Figure 6). This pattern is consistent with cross-country evidence on the link between trust, citizens’ cooperation and economic growth.

Figure 6. Daily Mobility and Trust in Government in Latin America & Caribbean (variation across countries, local polynomial fit)

Source. Own calculations based on Bargain & Aminjonov (2020), Google Mobility Index and Latinobarometro on trust in Government (“A lot of confidence” plus “some confidence”). Areas represent the 95% confidence interval of average daily mobility across Latin American countries, weighted by 2019 population from World Development Indicators (World Bank). Distrust indicates countries with trust level below the average in Latin America and the Caribbean.

So… Why Do These Findings Matter?

The current pandemic situation and expectations about the disease’s spread are different from those in early 2020. But no vaccine is widely available as of yet on a global level, and lessons from the early stages of the pandemic will remain key to slowing the outbreak in the months to come. Our findings show that sustainingtight lockdowns over a long period of time was challenging for Latin America and the Caribbean; that a more adaptive approach might have been more effective in saving lives and reducing the economic and social costs. In advanced countries, the early adoption of short-lived lockdowns, followed by an adaptive approach of “trial and error,” proved effective in curbing the virus’ spread.  Our findings also suggest that trust was important in fostering compliance with movement restrictions.  In the months to come, the ability of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to put in place an adaptive approach to containing the virus will be crucial, as the logistical challenges of delivering the vaccines (especially to people at risk in remote communities and vulnerable populations) will likely require governments to learn on the go, rapidly overcome bottlenecks, and change their plans as needed.

RES-DIA-download-trust-social-cohesion-growth-latin-america-caribbean

Filed Under: Social Issues Tagged With: #coronavirus, #COVID-19

Agustina Schijman

Agustina Schijman is a Lead Economist in the Southern Cone Department of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). She previously worked at the Office of Evaluation and Oversight at the IDB, as a consultant with the World Bank and the UNDP, and as a policy researcher for the Presidency of Argentina. She holds a Masters in Public Administration - International Development (MPA/ID) from Harvard University.

Carolina Correa Caro

Carolina Correa-Caro is a Data Science Consultant of the Information Service Unit at the Inter-American Development Bank. Her fields of interest and research cover statistical and economic analysis, fiscal and monetary policy, international macroeconomics, and data management. Currently, her focus is on the use of data science methods and tools to improve the creation and use of information in different areas of the Bank. Carolina has a degree in economics from the Universidad Central in Colombia. Previously she worked as Research Fellow in de Country Department Southern Cone at the IDB, the International Monetary Fund, and the Banco de la República in Colombia.

Diego Vera-Cossio

Diego Vera-Cossio is an economist in the Research Department of the Inter-American Development Bank. His area of interest is development economics. In particular, his research analyzes how different policies help or prevent family businesses from growing in contexts in which access to finance is limited. He is also interested in understanding how different methods of targeting and delivering resources from public programs affect policy effectiveness. Diego, a citizen of Bolivia, received his Ph.D. in Economics from the University of California, San Diego in 2018. He holds a Master’s Degree in Economics from Universidad de Chile and a Bachelor’s Degree in Economics from Universidad Católica Boliviana.

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