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Why Do Workers in Ecuador Go Formal at Age 50? And What Do Pensions Have to Do With It?

July 16, 2025 by Mariano Bosch - Jonathan M Leganza - Tatiana Mojica - María Laura Oliveri - Diego Vera-Cossio Leave a Comment


In Latin America and the Caribbean, where 55% of workers labor informally, some individuals face a crucial decision throughout their lives: whether to work in the formal or informal sector. This decision has important implications for their wages, the amount of taxes they pay, and their overall financial well-being. It is also crucial in determining whether they qualify for government benefits.

Our research from Ecuador shows how public pension programs, which are typically among the largest government programs based on expenditures, impact workers’ decisions about when to work formally versus informally decades before retirement. It reveals a surprising result: because of the design of the pension program, many people switch from informal to formal employment right when they turn 50 years old. This allows them to receive government benefits without having paid the decades of social security contributions that formal employment from an early age would have entailed, increasing the fiscal burden and making the retirement system less equitable.   

Those findings reveal how important it is for policymakers to get the incentives right if they are to increase formal employment and ensure fairness for all contributors.   

Jumps to Formality at Age 50

Ecuador’s pension system allows workers to retire and claim old-age benefits at 65 if they’ve contributed to the system for at least 15 years. This setup means that someone who starts contributing to social security at 50 can reach 65 with just enough contributions to qualify for pensions.

Using detailed survey data, we found a sudden increase in the probability of transitioning to formal employment right at age 50. This means that some individuals appear to affiliate to social security around the time they turn 50. The increase is about 1.8 percentage points. While that may sound small, it represents 4.5% of the share of people affiliated with social security around that age. Moreover, we show that these transitions to formality often don’t involve changing jobs or employers: they are often made by simply switching the nature of one’s labor contract, especially when the employee has family or other connections to the employer that allows them to do so.

Ecuador’s pension system is generous. Workers who contribute for 15 years and retire at 65 can receive pensions that amount to over half of their wages during their highest-earning years. The pension system is also heavily subsidized: it ranks among the top two most subsidized systems in Latin America and the Caribbean according to an IDB study.

These features create a powerful incentive: delay making contributions for as long as possible to minimize payments into the system and then switch to formal work just in time to qualify for generous benefits.

Such strategic behavior sounds profitable, but not everyone can pull it off. We show that these transitions are concentrated among small firms and family-run firms, where employees and employers can more easily coordinate to change a worker’s contract status from informal to formal.

Those likely working informally in family firms (specifically people who live with the owner of a registered business) around the age of 50 differ from the average worker in Ecuador in a few key ways. They are more likely to be women, to have a university degree, and to live in households with higher incomes.

Interestingly, despite the fact that Ecuador’s pension system creates similar incentives to switch to formal employment at 30 (for people targeting retirement at 60) and 60 (for people targeting retirement at 70), the study found no jumps in transitions to formality at these other ages.

We  argue that switching to formal work at 30 years of age with the idea of contributing to the system for three decades without any interruptions that might trigger the loss of benefits  might be too risky for most workers, especially in informal economies. As for switching right at 60, health risks and job market barriers at older ages may make a 10-year continuous stint in formality until 70 unrealistic.

But at 50? The timing appears to be just right— it’s close enough to retirement to plan for, and individuals are young enough to avoid substantial health risks.

Rethinking Pension Design

The behavior uncovered by our study has important implications:

  • For pension sustainability: Strategic informal-to-formal transitions increase the fiscal burden. If many workers contribute only the minimum required amounts, the system becomes more expensive and less equitable.
  • For pension reform: Policymakers might consider adjusting incentives—like adjusting the link between contribution histories and benefits or reducing subsidies for late entrants—to encourage earlier and more sustained formal employment.
  • For labor market analyses: The conventional view in many economic analyses is that informality and formality are substitutes, and that workers move between them based on the incentives to do so. But, from a dynamic perspective, informality and formality can be complements. Workers move strategically between these two types of employment over the life cycle, with pension rules influencing those moves.

Creating the Right Incentives for Formality

This study offers unique perspective into how forward-looking workers respond to pension programs and social protection incentives in economies with high degrees of informality. It challenges the idea that informality is purely a matter of constraints or lack of legal enforcement. Sometimes, it can be a calculated choice.

It also points out that pension policy isn’t just about retirement. It can shape labor market outcomes throughout the entire life cycle. In pay-as-you-go systems like the one in Ecuador, where the contributions of younger workers finance current benefits for the elderly, the policy debate should not be only about how these programs affect retirement ages, but also about how they create incentives for workers to contribute earlier in life.

[Editorial note: The authors thank the Ecuadorian Social Security Institute (IESS) for providing the information for this analysis and for the valuable opportunities they  provided for discussion with the team.]


Filed Under: Social Issues Tagged With: #pensions

Mariano Bosch

Mariano Bosch is a principal economist at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), where he coordinates and supervises the Vice President of the Sectors Knowledge Agenda. Since joining the IDB in 2011, he has led research on labor markets, pensions, and welfare policies. He has also provided advisory support to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean on labor market reforms and pension policies. Before joining the IDB, he worked as a consultant for the World Bank and was an assistant professor at the University of Alicante in Spain. His research on labor markets and development has been published in leading academic journals, including American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, Journal of Development Economics, World Bank Economic Review, and Labour Economics. He holds a PhD in Economics from the London School of Economics.

Jonathan M Leganza

Jonathan M. Leganza is an assistant professor in the John E. Walker Department of Economics at Clemson University. His primary fields of interest are public finance, labor economics, and health economics. He is especially interested in the economics of aging, and he studies topics related to retirement, social security policy, and Medicare policy. He received his PhD in economics from the University of California San Diego in 2021, his BA in economics from Indiana University in 2015, and his BS in mathematics from Indiana University in 2015.

Tatiana Mojica

Tatiana Mojica is a Research Fellow in the Research Department of the Inter-American Development Bank and an incoming PhD student in Economics at the University of British Columbia. Her primary research interests are labor economics and gender economics. She holds a BA and an MA in Economics from Universidad de Los Andes.

María Laura Oliveri

María Laura Oliveri es asociada sénior de la División de Protección Social y Mercados Laborales del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo con sede en la Ciudad de Quito, Ecuador. Se unió al BID en 2013 como consultora en la misma división y luego trabajó en la División de Protección Social y Salud entre 2018 y 2021. Anteriormente trabajó en el Banco Mundial para el Departamento de Desarrollo Humano de América Latina y el Caribe, y en la Práctica Global de Pobreza y Equidad. Ha realizado consultorías para la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y los ministerios de economía y salud de Argentina. Es Licenciada en Economía por la Universidad de Buenos Aires y posee un Máster en Ciencias Económicas por la Universidad Nacional de la Plata.

Diego Vera-Cossio

Diego Vera-Cossio is an economist in the Research Department of the Inter-American Development Bank. His area of interest is development economics. In particular, his research analyzes how different policies help or prevent family businesses from growing in contexts in which access to finance is limited. He is also interested in understanding how different methods of targeting and delivering resources from public programs affect policy effectiveness. Diego, a citizen of Bolivia, received his Ph.D. in Economics from the University of California, San Diego in 2018. He holds a Master’s Degree in Economics from Universidad de Chile and a Bachelor’s Degree in Economics from Universidad Católica Boliviana.

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